New Socialist: UKRAINE: The Voice of the New Left

A New Election and New Crisis in Ukraine: the Voice of the New Left

Parliamentary elections took place in Ukraine on 30 September, the result of which western pundits are proclaiming may well ‘have saved the Orange Revolution’, which occurred in 2004. The recent elections were an effort to resolve the political crisis in Ukraine triggered by the decree in 2 April to dissolve parliament by President Viktor Yushchenko. This comes after a protracted power struggle between rival blocs, on the one hand the ‘opposition’ associated with the ‘Orange Revolution comprising President Yushchenko’s party Our Ukraine and the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc - BYUt. Though there is no such popular movement with democratic aspirations underpinning their electoral revival at present.

Their rivals are the bloc headed by Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych’s Party of Regions, which heads the Coalition of National Unity comprises the neo-Stalinist Communist Party of Ukraine, and the Socialist Party of Ukraine.

Russia has responded to the possibility of a pro-Western government in its former colony with new threats to reduce energy supplies to sparking fears of a repeat of the 2006 gas crisis when the Russian energy giant Gazprom briefly shut off the flow of gas to Ukraine, effecting large parts of Europe.

How should socialists view the continuing political turmoil in Ukraine? Some on the left align themselves with the figures such as Yanukovych and his counterfeit left allies simply because they are opponents of the USA and friendly to Moscow. There are other voices in Ukraine struggling to be heard, those of the reviving genuine working-class socialism.

Below we publish a statement on the elections by the New Left movement, a coalition of several left organisations, informal groups, web-sites, analytical centres, trade unions, and individual left, environmentalist, feminist and human rights activists. They are united in their disappointment with the policy of old “left” parties. The New Left stands on the principles of anti-capitalism, anti-fascism, and anti-Stalinism, and working on the renovation of socialist theory and praxis. Among the participants of New Left movement are the revolutionary socialist group Left Initiative, Network of Civic Initiatives “Basta”, art-group “Ukrainian Vanguard”, Makhnovist club, “Bricolage” a left history web-site, the trade unions Defence of Labour and Metrostroi [Subway] trade-union, Canter of Civil Society Problems Research and “Stratagema” analytical centre. The Organizing Committee of the New Left movement, for example, well-known human rights activist Volodymyr Chemerys and the head of Federation of Independent Trade-Unions of Ukraine Viktor Yavorsky.

Chris Ford

Resolution of the New Left movement on the pre-electoral situation and attitude towards elections

It is apparent to us that the crisis of 2007 is caused by the aggravation of the competition between the groups of large capital, whose interests are represented in both main camps of the political confrontation. Its premise is more intense political corruption from both sides.

The pre-term parliamentary elections this year are the consequence of behind-the-scenes political agreements which contradict the formal premises of the law. Furthermore, it creates preconditions for the organisation of political manipulation (such as the ‘constitutional referendum’), intended to change the Constitution with the aim of placing in presidential hands unlimited autocratic authority.

The present flashpoint of the confrontation is capable of provoking long-term political destabilisation which is caused not by the principal ideological discrepancies between the main powers participating in the confrontation. It arises from their struggle to increase their power as means to maximise their incomes.

We are convinced that the parliamentary elections of 2007 do not represent the sovereign choice of the Ukrainian people and are taking place in the conditions of external interference and the aggravation of inter-imperialist rivalry for markets, economic resources and the political orientation of Ukraine between the main actors on the Post-Soviet space:

oo These are, in the first place, expansionism of the United States, interested in supporting conflict between Ukraine and Russia and in strengthening the position of ‘Orange’ factions in the domestic ruling class, representatives of the interests of trans-national corporations;

oo Closely behind them is the young Russian capitalism, which has consolidated its power in recent years and seeks greater control over the transport infrastructure and the most liquid assets in it’s ‘near abroad’;

oo The third vector of power coincides with big capital of the European Union countries supported by the Brussels bureaucracy, whilst not wishing to extend the borders of European Union to include Ukraine it, at the same time, cherishes its own exclusive interests.

At present we consider that a victory in the elections of any of the main political powers will only worsen the existing social crisis in the country. Grounds for such an affirmation stem from the nature of the main political actors.

For instance, the pro-presidential, bureaucracy-business bloc ‘Our Ukraine/People’s Self-defence’ covering itself with the usual ‘social initiatives’ and ‘national-patriotic’ slogans of their leaders really represents the interests of agents of neo-liberal fundamentalism. As a result this policy will lead only to the final conversion of Ukraine to a position on the periphery of the global capitalist system, controlled by trans-national companies and a mercenary bourgeoisie.

On the other hand, their contingent counterpart - The Party of Regions - defends positions of the large capital having been formed during the bloody privatization in the 1990’s. Its main interest consists in the final redistribution of the remaining state assets, in particular in the transport, communications and military-industrial complex, in favour of its own business-groups.

The third actor according to its own self-identification is the ‘radical opposition’ Bloc of Yulia Tymoshenko flirting with social-populist rhetoric. However, it is well-known that the real aim of “lady Yu” is the establishment of an autocratic rule that under neither condition corresponds to the interests of the labouring classes of the Ukrainian nation.

The probable coalition between ‘Our Ukraine’ and Party of the Regions after the elections will allow for the collusion of ruling classes against the interests of labour, in the first place. At the same time the creation of an alliance between ByuT (Yulia Tymoshenko’s block) and ‘Our Ukraine’ poses numerous risks for the Ukrainian economy encouraging the subsequent sell-off of her most profitable assets to trans-national capital. We have already seen such examples as the sale of Krivorizhstal’ [Kryvyi Rih Steel plant] to British-Dutch capital and the transfer of significant part of the banking sector of Ukraine into foreign arms.

The old ‘left’ parties (Communist Party, Socialist Party, Progressive Socialist Party) due to the array of ponderable reasons do not correspond to their self-proclaimed identity and are not worthy of being supported in the parliamentary elections in 2007.

The causes of this situation is in the first place, in the absence of any real work towards the protection of the interests of labour, assistance to grassroots civic self-organization, lack of connections with real social movements and trade-unions. Their collaboration with the parties of large capital, the participation of Communist Party and Socialist Party in the so-called ‘Coalition of national unity’, their drift towards bourgeois ideology, their partial support of the various manifestations of Russian imperialism and chauvinistic oratory of the leaders of the Communists and the Progressive Socialists push the old ‘left’ towards the margins of main-stream politics. Endeavours to combine such incompatible composites as the cult of Stalin and support of the ‘canonical’ Orthodox Church all in one bereave them any real ideological loading.

It is necessary to record the deeply destructive role of the old ‘left’ parties that have lost any basis and connections to the social struggle of the working people, first of all.

We are convinced of the fact that no matter what the outcome of the elections and the format of a future government coalition will be, Ukraine will face the further anti-social ‘reforms’, particularly in housing and communal services, labour and pension legislation which will result in the decline of living standards of the majority of the citizens of our country.

It should be understood once and for all that the parliament is the home for business, rather than for state decisions. And even a party ticket and knowledge of ‘International’ do not help to get rid of daily temptations.

The Organising Committee of the ‘New Left’ movement asserts:

1. We will not take part in the pre-term parliamentary elections of 2007 on any side and call on citizens to boycott them.

2. We call on electors to recognise that the existing electoral system deforms the free expression of popular will, coercing them to choose among powers, associated with ruling classes and their property interests.

3. We condemn any endeavours to revise the Constitution which will weaken political democracy and redistribute the power in favour of a presidential autocracy.

4. We call on labour in Ukraine to break from illusions in the present political actors and to understand that through engagement in the formation of grassroots movements for social rights and social emancipation (strike committees, trade-union organisations, ecological initiatives and others) we can defend our interests and create premises for political changes for the better.

http://livasprava.in.ua