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﻿<title﻿>﻿New Socialist Magazine, Activism After the Days of Action  - Article﻿</title>﻿
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﻿<b﻿>﻿Activism After the Days of Action 
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by Alan Sears﻿<br﻿>﻿
﻿<i﻿>﻿New Socialist Magazine, August - September 1998﻿</i>﻿<br﻿>﻿<br﻿>﻿<br﻿>﻿
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The Ontario Federation of Labour (OFL) announced in July that there would be no more Days of Action (DoA) against the Harris government, despite the commitment to a province-wide action at their convention last year. This is a real setback for everyone who wants to fight the neo-liberal corporate agenda. Cutbacks, layoffs and attacks on the poor and vulnerable will continue without any single focus for opposition. It will be a great battle under these circumstances to overcome a sense of resignation about the inevitability of the Harris government's attacks.
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In general, the Days of Action campaign launched in London in December 1995, was a remarkable success, mobilizing hundreds of thousands in protest marches and day-long strikes. It was the success and not the failure of the Days of Action that lead the "pink paper" unions (such as the Steelworkers, United Food and Commercial Workers and ther Powerworkers) to work openly to kill the campaign after the massive shut down of Toronto in October, 1996. 
﻿<br﻿>﻿<br﻿>﻿
The "pink paper" unions have pushed support for the NDP in the next provincial election as their alternative to the Days of Action. This is a disaster. Even if the mobilizations have not stopped the Harris government, they have challenged the idea that its agenda is inevitable and cannot be opposed. They helped create a climate of polarization in Ontario, contributing to the development of dissent. They made it possible to imagine a world without Harris.
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Now the "pink paper" unions have triumphed and the Days of Action campaign is dead. But it is not the fault of those unions alone. From the beginning, there were important flaws in the way Days of Action were organized. Even the more militant unions like CUPE and the CAW promoted planning from above rather than democratic and inclusive movement-building that could have contributed to the development of an ongoing activist opposition. Major openings were missed, particularly when it came to linking Days of Action with other major struggles against the Harris agenda, such as the OPSEU strike of 1996 or the Teachers' strike of 1997. Finally, the Days of Action strategy was self-limiting, emphasizing protest as a moral statement rather than as a use of collective power to bring down the Tories. The Days of Action were never used as rehearsals for a real general strike to defeat the Harris government.
﻿<br﻿>﻿<br﻿>﻿
So we now face the challenge of rebuilding our movements from the grassroots. This requires a complex balance between trying to push the official leaderships into action and doing our best to launch militant initiatives from below. Protests through official channels are important. It is great that delegates to the Metro Toronto Labour Council voted on August 6 to refer back an Executive motion that was too moderate in its criticism of the OFL's decision to abandon the Days of Action. 
﻿<br﻿>﻿<br﻿>﻿
Fortunately, there is a clear target ahead for those who want to fight back against the Tories. The Canadian Federation of Students (CFS) has called for a week of action against cutbacks, tuition increases and student debt on October 12-16. There are also plans underway for a protest at the Provincial Tory meeting in Ottawa on October 17. Genuine community mobilization for the CFS Days of Action can be an important step toward rebuilding the fightback.
﻿<br﻿>﻿<br﻿>﻿
The precise form of protest that is appropriate for the CFS Days of Action will depend on the particular circumstances in each community. There are certain themes, however, that are likely to be important everywhere. First, the way we mobilize matters. We need to try to build democratic, inclusive coalitions that bring together students, campus trade unions and other community organizations or unions. Such coalitions invite the democratic participation of activists and contribute to the development of the formal and informal networks that can provide a focus for ongoing fightback. 
﻿<br﻿>﻿<br﻿>﻿
Secondly, it will be crucial to try to mobilize others alongside university students. High school students, who will ultimately bear the brunt of tuition increases, showed their capacity to fight back by walking out in many locations in the lead-up to last year's teachers' strike. Secondary school teachers working for many Boards have taken strike votes and may be on the picket line this autumn. Campus unions are generally facing determined attacks from administrations intent on operating within the constraints of the Harris agenda. Anti-poverty groups like the Ontario Coalition against Poverty have mobilized against cutbacks to benefits and criminalization of the poor. Immigrant and refugee rights groups have been organizing against a new round of attacks. These are all small reminders of the links that can be made for the October actions. 
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We need, however, to face up to the fact that it may be a real challenge to convince many people that activism is still possible and necessary. The end of the OFL Days of Action is sure to be demoralizing for some activists and others are likely to respond, "Been there, done that." Nor can we take the mobilization of university students for granted; it will be crucial to campaign actively and creatively on campuses to build the October protests.
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The grim reality is that the OFL leadership has severely damaged the fightback. We need to resist the Tories now. That is the only way to limit the damage. Even if the OFL leadership really believes the election of the NDP would make a difference (ignoring the record of Bob Rae, including the social contract and tuition increases) the best way to do that would be to shake up the Tories now with a real fightback. 
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