The period since the September 11 attacks in New York and Washington has been one of uneven resistance within our movements. For a time there was a considerable degree of disorientation and demobilization, especially with respect to the global justice movement in North America. For the most part there was no significant resistance as governments and big business took advantage of the post 9/11 hysteria to push through racist and oppressive so-called anti-terrorist legislation and to pursue massive cutbacks and layoffs within many sectors of industry, most notably in the airline and tourism industries. The timing was perfect for a ruling class that was struggling with the prospect of an economic downturn. The high-tech bubble had burst and there were deepening economic crises in a growing number of countries including Argentina, Brazil, Russia and South Korea.

To a large degree, 9/11 became the driving force for the logic of industrial cutbacks, immigration controls and racist scapegoating. As spun by the Bush administration and their supporters, the War on Terrorism was about the essential victory of capitalist western democracy (‘civilization’), over the savage tyranny of fundamentalism and dictatorship. The contradiction between advocating repressive and racist social measures in the name of saving democracy from barbarism are, of course, impossible to gloss over for any length of time. However, in the initial period neither the unions nor the various social movements that had developed over the proceeding years were active in countering this logic.

The true nature of the US war on terror is exposed through the US led wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, along with their other interventions in countries including Colombia, Indonesia, the Philippines and Yemen, in which thousands of people have been killed, displaced and imposed upon by US forces while their countries continue to be looted, occupied and raped of their resources. Whether it be at the hands of United Nations resolutions, the World Trade Organization (WTO), International Monetary Fund (IMF)/World Bank policy, or through direct military intervention, the impoverishment, enslavement and barbarism wrought by the expansion of capitalist globalization remains unchecked.

War, Occupation and Capitalist Globalization

The anti-war movement that emerged during the lead up to the US led invasion of Iraq was a sign of a strong sentiment of opposition to the ‘War on Terrorism’ and to the dominance of a right-wing US agenda throughout the world. Millions took to the streets in protest often under banners such as “no blood for oil”, which drew connections to the economic dividend that many believed was at the heart of the war policy prosecuted by the US and Britain. For a broad layer of people there was a deepening level of mistrust in regard to the direction of the US administration.

The US occupation of Iraq along with the continued occupation in Afghanistan and the Israeli occupation of Palestine have emerged as central issues in the fight for global justice. The potential exists for a coalition of forces to emerge against war, occupation and imperialism, which can fight for global and local justice. The success of such a movement requires that we recognize the connection between the structural adjustment of the IMF/World Bank, the occupation of Iraq and policies at home that attack the wages and conditions of workers, diminish services such as health care, impose tougher immigration controls and undermine the rights of indigenous peoples.

These connections can be found in the processes and mechanisms used to control, exploit and divide people for the purpose of developing wealth and profit. Whether it be through the barrel of a gun in Iraq, strike-banning legislation for Ontario teachers, the First Nations Governance Act, or forcing countries to impose severe government spending cuts in order to secure an IMF loan, the planned result is diminished security for people and increased profit for corporations.

The recent disagreements between the US and Britain on one side and France and Germany on the other are not over the fundamental issues of trade liberalization and capitalist globalization. The disagreements arise over the question of the gains to be made by regional influence and over who will have social and economic dominance within the Middle East. At the next round of WTO talks scheduled for September in Cancun, Mexico, leaders and trade delegates from these four countries will meet with counterparts from over 140 other countries to plan the rules for further international trade liberalization. The likely divisions that will emerge through this process will predominately be between rich and poor countries, often characterized as between countries of the northern and southern hemisphere.

Since the demonstrations at the WTO Seattle round at the end of 1999, the global justice movement has focused attention on the effects, institutions and processes of capitalist globalization. This movement has managed to create something of a crisis of legitimacy within a section of the population around issues such as debt relief and third world poverty. However in doing so, in the Canadian context at least, the global justice movement has failed to fully integrate an active resistance to the advances of the neoliberal agenda at the local level. Anti-poverty activists, labour activists and people organized around issues of racism, immigrant, refugee and aboriginal rights, do not necessarily see themselves as a part of the global justice movement.

An Opportunity for the Global Justice Movement

As movements develop, part of what galvanizes people towards taking action and getting involved is a sense that the issues at stake are clearly rooted in people’s real life experience. There is likely a connection between the fact that the global justice movement in Europe has not suffered the same slowdown as we have seen in North America. It is clear to people in Europe that the European Union, which has a single currency and a single Parliament, has an effect on their lives. In contrast, the everyday impact of NAFTA, the WTO and the IMF is somewhat murkier. As a result, it is easier to mobilize in Europe where the development of the European Union has a transparent effect on people’s lives.

As part of the preparations for the WTO round in Cancun there is a “Mini Ministerial” conference scheduled for July 27–30 in Montréal, Québec. A broad child-friendly demonstration has been called for Sunday July 27 under the banner “No One is Illegal.” This follows on from the success of a march held in Ottawa last June during the G8 summit under the same banner. There are also direct actions being organized for Montréal from Monday July 28 through to the end of the conference.

In Montréal, we have an opportunity to successfully bring local struggles against racism, poverty, cuts to services, and attacks on workers rights into global justice organizing. This is an opportunity for demonstrations and actions to build around issues such as the General Agreement on Trade and Services (GATS), WTO agricultural policy and the blatant greed of the pharmaceutical industry in its continued backsliding around the issue of low cost HIV/AIDS medications. We must also draw connections to struggles for Aboriginal self-determination, immigrant and refugee rights, as well as to further push forward anti-war/occupation struggles and workers rights issues. Grasping this opportunity as we go forward will require that we expose the connections between the local, national and global policies pursued through the neoliberal agenda.

The ‘No One is Illegal’ banner is particularly useful in demonstrating these connections. It points to the fact that millions of people across the world and particularly in the south have been displaced by the violence and poverty resulting from capitalist globalization and US military intervention. The response of countries such as Canada to this displacement has been to further restrict the entry of immigrants and refugees. In fact the majority of people now entering Canada are only given temporary status, making them insecure and easily removable. The impact is significant, including providing an exploitable labour force and generally lowering the security and standards of all workers.

The anti-war movement did a lot to galvanize anti-occupation work by making these connections. Anti-occupation politics have identified capitalist US interests in Palestine, and provoke a similar analysis of the situation in Colombia where indigenous people are fighting a long struggle against imperialism and social and economic domination. Anti-occupation politics in Canada must also root themselves in solidarity work with the struggle for aboriginal rights, particularly against the First Nations Governance Act.