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﻿<title﻿>﻿New Socialist Magazine, The New Native Militancy - Article﻿</title>﻿

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﻿<b﻿>﻿The New Native Militancy 

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by Deborah Simmons﻿<br﻿>﻿

﻿<i﻿>﻿New Socialist Magazine, January 1996﻿</i>﻿<br﻿>﻿<br﻿>﻿<br﻿>﻿

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﻿<font﻿ ﻿size="1"﻿>﻿This past summer saw militants in Ontario and British Columbia square off against government and police over Native land claims. What are the roots of this new militancy and what is its potential for bringing about real social change for Canada's Native peoples?﻿</font>﻿<br﻿>﻿<br﻿>﻿


The summer of 1995 was "the summer of their discontent," according to the Globe and Mail. Aboriginal militants in British Columbia and Ontario kept the struggle for land rights in front page news, in defiance of the Canadian legal system and at times in defiance of their own official leaders. 

﻿<br﻿>﻿<br﻿>﻿

In southern Ontario, the occupation of Ipperwash Provincial Park culminated in the fatal police shooting of Anthony (Dudley) George. Over a thousand aboriginal mourners, some from as far away as Saskatchewan and the United States, attended the burial of the Chippewa militant. Following the shooting death, Minister of Indian Affairs Ron Irwin magically produced a letter written in 1937 which legitimized the claim of the protesters. 

﻿<br﻿>﻿<br﻿>﻿

In British Columbia, a 30-day armed standoff at Gustafsen Lake followed upon a wave of aboriginal blockades across the province. "Blockades work," Shuswap band leader Kenneth Dennis said from a blockade at Adams Lake in June. "More and more First Nations are planning to use our strategy." 

﻿<br﻿>﻿<br﻿>﻿

By the end of the summer, polls ranked aboriginal land claims as the number one political issue in the province. The NDP government used the conflict at Gustafsen Lake to restore its flagging popularity by taking a tough stand against protesters in an abrupt about-face on its professed support for aboriginal land rights. 

﻿<br﻿>﻿<br﻿>﻿

﻿<b﻿>﻿Failed Negotiations

﻿</b>﻿<br﻿>﻿<br﻿>﻿

None of the conditions of dispossession and oppression which have sparked protest over the past eight months are out of the ordinary. What is remarkable is the ineffective role played by Assembly of First Nations (AFN) Chief Ovide Mercredi in each case. From the Mohawk rebellion at Oka in 1990 to British Columbia in 1995, Mercredi has consistently opposed the militant strategy in favour of constitutional change and peaceful negotiations. But the long years of failure on both counts have taken a serious toll on his legitimacy. This was already evident following the Oka rebellion, when Canada's secret service agency (CSIS) reported a dramatic growth of militant aboriginal organizations across Canada. In an interview this September, Tony Hall, professor of Native Studies at the University of Lethbridge, explained that aboriginal militants "don't see the AFN as a legitimate Indian voice. It is the creation of a foreign instrument of oppression [the government of Canada]." 

﻿<br﻿>﻿<br﻿>﻿

The rise of an independent and militant aboriginal movement in Canada is to be supported and celebrated. Militancy does force the government to make concessions which could not be achieved through negotiations alone. It is no coincidence that Minister of Indian Affairs Ron Irwin recently made a public promise of immediate action to fulfil promises made as part of the federal Liberal election platform. (The promise was made on the occasion of a Sacred Assembly organized by Manitoba Liberal MP Elijah Harper so it had the appearance of being disconnected from the events of last summer). 

﻿<br﻿>﻿<br﻿>﻿

The erosion of special aboriginal rights is a key element in the federal and provincial government restructuring agenda. In order to compete on the world market, Canada must reduce funding for aboriginal peoples, and erode their collective land rights. 

﻿<br﻿>﻿<br﻿>﻿

Such a project in Mexico gave rise to the Zapatista rebellion, which inspired massive solidarity from the Mexican labour movement. 

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﻿<b﻿>﻿Racism

﻿</b>﻿<br﻿>﻿<br﻿>﻿

Unfortunately, the weakness of the Canadian labour movement and the sellouts of the NDP have left the door open for aboriginal peoples to become the focus of racist scapegoating. Insofar as labour and aboriginal peoples have successfully been pitted against each other, the cutback agenda which affects us all has gained in strength and momentum. Such divisions lead to the isolation of aboriginal fightbacks, and limits their effectiveness. 

﻿<br﻿>﻿<br﻿>﻿

Without the active support and solidarity of the labour movement, the sparks of aboriginal militancy have often ended in demoralization. Each defeat in the aboriginal struggle for self- determination represents a major setback for the movement against the cuts. 

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