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﻿<title﻿>﻿New Socialist Magazine, Indonesia: The People Rise - Article﻿</title>﻿

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﻿<b﻿>﻿Indonesia: 

﻿<br﻿>﻿The People Rise 

﻿<br﻿>﻿</b>﻿</font>﻿<br﻿>﻿<br﻿>﻿


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by Emily Citkowski﻿<br﻿>﻿

﻿<i﻿>﻿New Socialist Magazine, June - July 1998﻿</i>﻿<br﻿>﻿<br﻿>﻿<br﻿>﻿

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Thirty years ago, students and workers around the world changed history. When we think of May '68 we think of strikes by French students and workers, campus occupations by American students, the Prague Spring, and mass demonstrations for democracy in Mexico. It is fitting that on the thirtieth anniversary of May '68 Indonesians rose up to demand democratic reforms and end the Suharto dictatorship.

﻿<br﻿>﻿<br﻿>﻿

On May 12th, six students from the elite Triskati University were shot-believed to have been killed by forces connected to the Indonesian military. The regime may have thought that this would quell the burgeoning pro-democracy movement but it only urged it forward. On May 18th, students (who had been restricted from demonstrating off campus) took their demonstrations to the streets of Jakarta, spurring the urban poor and other students around the country into action. The students took over the Parliament building and danced on the roof while chanting "Bring Suharto Down!" Suharto called short a state visit to Egypt and flew home to quiet the masses. But he couldn't stop them. Suharto, who had ruled Indonesia for 32 years, stepped down on May 21st and put his vice-president BJ Habibie into power.

﻿<br﻿>﻿<br﻿>﻿

The "New Order" regime that had successfully squelched all political opposition since the bloody coup of 1966 was no longer able to maintain control. This was in part due to the devastating effects of the Asian economic crisis on the people. The crisis was caused by capitalist overproduction, and exacerbated by bad loans and the greed of the Suharto clan, who lined their pockets with bribes from multinational corporations. In order to comply with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) bailout, Suharto lifted price controls. The price of food has skyrocketed as the rupiah (Indonesia's currency) has inflated. People can no longer afford to buy enough food to survive. Even the middle class cannot afford milk. The people have had enough.

﻿<br﻿>﻿<br﻿>﻿

Over 500 people were killed in the food riots and looting which occurred in the days leading up to Suharto's resignation. Much of the violence was directed against Indonesia's ethnic Chinese. Evidence has surfaced that agents provocateurs of the military were seen identifying Chinese-owned businesses and passing out petrol bombs to rioters to be used against the Chinese. Although a minority of the ethnic Chinese control vast wealth, most are small business owners or traders. They are falsely considered by many Indonesians to be responsible for the crisis. The government encouraged this misconception because it deflected blame from away from its economic policies. It is likely that the military actually wanted riots to grow so that they could step in, restore order and take power. When Amien Rais, leader of the 25 million member Muslim organization Muhammadiya, called for major demonstrations to take place all over the country on Independence Day (May 20th), the military declared that demonstrators would be shot. 150 000 troops surrounded Jakarta to prevent the demonstrations. Rais called off the demonstrations, although students still rallied. But where were the troops when the rioting was taking place?

﻿<br﻿>﻿<br﻿>﻿

﻿<b﻿>﻿What about the workers? ﻿</b>﻿

﻿<br﻿>﻿<br﻿>﻿

One notable thing about the May uprising is that there were no significant strikes by factory workers. This is due to the economic collapse, and the low rate of unionization of Indonesian workers. The economic situation is so dire that people who have jobs are afraid of losing them and will not go out on strike. A number of foreign-owned sweatshops had already pulled out. The workers who did end up demonstrating were those who were already unemployed and did not fear losing their jobs.

﻿<br﻿>﻿<br﻿>﻿

Unions remain weak because of political repression and the fact that most Indonesian workers come from peasant backgrounds and do not have a tradition of working-class consciousness or organization. The New Order regime has effectively quashed independent trade union organizing using all sorts of coercive means. The Indonesian Prosperity Union (SBSI) - the only legal independent workers' organization - was not allowed to openly recruit members. Until recently, SBSI president Muchtar Pakpahan was in prison for speaking out against the government. Dita Sari, president of the Indonesian Centre for Labour Struggle (PPBI), was imprisoned under the regime's anti-subversion laws in 1996 for leading a demonstration of 20 000 sweatshop workers.

﻿<br﻿>﻿<br﻿>﻿

Workers who try to organize in their factories are sometimes killed. But despite the difficulties, organizing continues. The beginning of the 1990s saw a marked increase in strikes and work actions. In 1994 there were 1130 strikes. And during the summer of 1996 tens of thousands of workers from over 20 different textile factories went out on strike. 

﻿<br﻿>﻿<br﻿>﻿

The formation of independent workers' and peasants' organizations on a large scale is vital for the democracy struggle. This has not yet happened. However, the May uprising has opened up channels for independent organizing and will put checks on the coercive practices of the military.

﻿<br﻿>﻿<br﻿>﻿

﻿<b﻿>﻿State Repression Continues﻿</b>﻿

﻿<br﻿>﻿<br﻿>﻿

One of the ways Suharto was able to stay in power for 32 years was by imprisoning anyone who was a threat to his power: labour leaders, dissident intellectuals, democracy activists and others who opposed him politically. But this took a nasty turn at the beginning of the year, when activists started "disappearing" off the streets, kidnapped at gunpoint by plain-clothes military personnel and interrogated in torture centres. Over 50 people have disappeared. Some have surfaced to tell of electric shocks and water torture, others have been found dead.

﻿<br﻿>﻿<br﻿>﻿

The US government condemned the disappearances and called for an investigation, but in a recent issue of the American magazine THE NATION journalist Alan Nairn reported that US military intelligence knew about the disappearances and was responsible for training and supplying the military units involved.

﻿<br﻿>﻿<br﻿>﻿

So far, Habibie has released five of the over 200 political prisoners, including Muchtar Pakpahan and three members of the People's Democratic Party (PRD - the most left-wing of the pro-democracy forces, consisting mostly of students). However, the new president has said that he will not release Xanana Gusmao, leader of the resistance in East Timor, or any other East Timorese. Nor will he release 13 very old and sickly Communist prisoners imprisoned since Suharto seized power in 1966.

﻿<br﻿>﻿<br﻿>﻿

The people's uprising has already created a few democratic changes. For the first time in 32 years there is a free press. More political prisoners will likely be released. Habibie has said that new political parties can be organized as alternatives to the three parties currently recognized by the New Order regime, but that, for now, new political parties will not be able to run in elections. There has been no repeal of the anti-subversion law. The military still retains its "dual role" within society, meaning that it holds political power in parliament as well as military power. Habibie has said that East Timor will remain a part o﻿f Indonesia.

﻿<br﻿>﻿<br﻿>﻿

Habibie's "reform" does not dismantle the New Order regime, and he will not bring democracy to Indonesia. But the May uprising that led to the resignation of Suharto has created more opportunity for democratic change. There are now spaces for workers, peasants, students, and all oppressed people to organize. Society has been opened up, and the people have become more galvanized to fight. 

﻿<br﻿>﻿<br﻿>﻿

In North America, we must support the struggle for democracy in Indonesia and self-determination for East Timor, oppose the IMF austerity plan, condemn all Canadian and US military support of the Indonesian military and campaign for the release of all of the political prisoners.

﻿<br﻿>﻿<br﻿>﻿


﻿<font﻿ ﻿size="1"﻿>﻿Emily Citkowski is a member of the US socialist group Solidarity. She recently attended the Asia Pacific Solidarity Conference sponsored by Action for Solidarity with Indonesia and East Timor (ASIET) in Sydney, Australia.﻿</font>﻿<br﻿>﻿<br﻿>﻿

﻿<font﻿ ﻿size="1"﻿>﻿To contribute to the Political Prisoners Fighting Fund, send cheques to: The Political Prisoners Fighting Fund, 702-D Eagle Heights, Madison WI 53705, USA.﻿</font>﻿</font>﻿<br﻿>﻿<br﻿>﻿


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