ÿþ<htmlÿþ>ÿþ ÿþ<headÿþ>ÿþ<script type="text/javascript" src="https://web-static.archive.org/_static/js/bundle-playback.js?v=2N_sDSC0" charset="utf-8"></script> <script type="text/javascript" src="https://web-static.archive.org/_static/js/wombat.js?v=txqj7nKC" charset="utf-8"></script>ÿþ ÿþ<script>window.RufflePlayer=window.RufflePlayer||{};window.RufflePlayer.config={"autoplay":"on","unmuteOverlay":"hidden","showSwfDownload":true};</script> <script type="text/javascript" src="ÿþhttps://web-static.archive.org/_static/ÿþjs/ruffle/ruffle.js"></script> ÿþ<script type="text/javascript"> ÿþ __wm.init(ÿþ"https://web.archive.org/web"ÿþ); __wm.wombat(ÿþ"http://www.newsocialist.org/old_mag/magazine/19/article06.html"ÿþ,ÿþ"20100626191824"ÿþ,ÿþ"https://web.archive.org/"ÿþ,ÿþ"web"ÿþ,ÿþ"https://web-static.archive.org/_static/"ÿþ, "ÿþ1277579904ÿþ"); </script> ÿþ<link rel="stylesheet" type="text/css" href="https://web-static.archive.org/_static/css/banner-styles.css?v=1utQkbB3" /> <link rel="stylesheet" type="text/css" href="https://web-static.archive.org/_static/css/iconochive.css?v=3PDvdIFv" />ÿþ ÿþ<!-- End Wayback Rewrite JS Include --> ÿþ ÿþ<titleÿþ>ÿþNew Socialist Magazine, The War in Yugoslavia: A New Ruse of Western Imperialism - Articleÿþ</title>ÿþ ÿþ<metaÿþ ÿþname="description"ÿþ ÿþcontent="New Socialist Group socialism communism socialists communists "ÿþ>ÿþ ÿþ<metaÿþ ÿþname="keywords"ÿþ ÿþcontent="socialism, communism, socialists, communists, marx, marxists, marxism, Marx, Marxists, Marxism, Canada, politics, anarchism, Trotsky, trotskyism, NDP, radical, revolution, revolutionary, Lenin, leninism, leninist, Luxemburg, working class, 1917, syndicalism, radicalism, union, labour, anarchy"ÿþ>ÿþ ÿþ</head>ÿþ ÿþ<bodyÿþ ÿþtopmargin="20"ÿþ ÿþleftmargin="20"ÿþ ÿþmarginheight="20"ÿþ ÿþmarginwidth="20"ÿþ ÿþbgcolor="#FFFFFF"ÿþ>ÿþ ÿþ<fontÿþ ÿþface="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif"ÿþ ÿþsize="5"ÿþ ÿþcolor="#000000"ÿþ>ÿþ ÿþ<centerÿþ>ÿþ ÿþ<bÿþ>ÿþThe War in Yugoslavia ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþA New Ruse of Western Imperialism ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ</b>ÿþ</font>ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ ÿþ<fontÿþ ÿþface="Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif"ÿþ ÿþsize="2"ÿþ ÿþcolor="#000000"ÿþ>ÿþ by Todd Gordon and Greg Schwartz ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ ÿþ<iÿþ>ÿþNew Socialist Magazine, April - May 1999ÿþ</i>ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ ÿþ</center>ÿþ As NATO bombs rain down on Yugoslavia, it is incumbent on socialists to expose the hypocrisy of Western imperialist powers. The West has been using the chauvinism of the Milosevic regime, and its ongoing suppression of Kosovo Albanians, to cloak its own economic and political interests in a guise of humanitarian concern. ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ The naive belief that the US, Canada and its NATO allies are acting out of a moral and political commitment to Kosovo autonomy fosters support for the idea that bombing Yugoslavia is the only remaining solution to the human rights abuses in that country. Accordingly, social democratic and communist parties in Canada, Britain, Germany, France and Italy, all of whom have adopted this view, have become accomplices of Western imperialism. ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ The belief that NATO is the "lesser of the two evils" has even convinced some parts of the non-aligned Left and the international peace movement to support the US attacks. We argue that such a position is politically misguided and can have dangerous consequences for democratic socialist opposition in the world today. ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ ÿþ<bÿþ>ÿþWhat's Really Going On in Yugoslavia?ÿþ</b>ÿþ ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ Is NATO's intervention a "regrettable but necessary" military action in defense of human rights? The contradictions that surround this line of argument are unacceptable! ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ It is difficult to believe that the US is acting on behalf of the oppressed nation when the presence of NATO's so-called peace keepers have fueled the Yugoslav civil war amongst Croats, Serbs, Slovenes Bosnians and Albanians for nearly nine years. ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ What's more, NATO member-states such as the United States and Britain has been complicit in the ethnic genocide in Sudan, Rwanda, Congo, Sierra Leone and Eritrea, all of which have claimed hundreds of thousands of lives. They have remained silent about the systemic oppression of the Irish minority in the British-controlled Northern Ireland, the Palestinians in Israel and the Chechens in Russia. The struggle of the Kurdish minority in Turkey, a key NATO member-state in the oil-rich Middle East, has also fallen on deaf ears among the Western allies. ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ The United States has armed and politically supported many oppressive regimes. Why then, are the Americans and British suddenly so concerned with human rights? Indeed, concerned enough that NATO has even violated its own charter by embarking upon an offensive military action against a sovereign state - one that may soon involve the participation of ground troops, as well as air strikes. ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ We don't pretend there are any easy answers. The possibility of a peaceful solution, for long-term stability in the region, lies first in Kosovo's right to determine its own future, free from outside domination, be it Serbian or Western powers. But the potential for a peaceful solution also resides with increased mobilisation of workers and the oppressed inside Serbia, in the possibility that Milosovic's reactionary and repressive government can be successfully cracked. ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ ÿþ<bÿþ>ÿþHistory "From Below"ÿþ</b>ÿþ ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ The tragic irony is that NATO member-states are intervening in Yugoslavia to control the global political-economic turmoil they helped to unleash in the first place. As Yugoslavia's economy became more integrated into the world market, it felt the effects of the global economic downturn beginning in 1973. By the early 1980s it had spiraled into a permanent crisis of sluggish growth and increased foreign debt; a debt restructuring program implemented by foreign creditors brought about the disintegration of the industrial sector and the dismantling of the welfare state. In 1990, with the IMF's structural adjustment program, the economy was in a state of near collapse. ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ Under the IMF-sponsored program, government credit to the industrial sector was frozen in order to hasten the bankruptcy process. At the same time, trade was deregulated, leading to a flood of imported commodities financed with borrowed money granted under the IMF package. This, of course, contributed to the further destabilization of domestic production. By the end of 1990 over 3,200 enterprises were bankrupt, and 1.9 million industrial workers (out of 2.7 million) were unemployed. Social programs had collapsed and real earnings for those still employed dropped substantively. ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ Meanwhile, another force had exploded onto the political scene. A great wave of strikes spread across Yugoslavia, growing from 100 in 1983 to 1,530 involving about 350 million workers in 1987. While elements of ethnic nationalism were never absent from the Yugoslav working class, workers had nonetheless displayed a great deal of unity in their struggles against both economic reforms and the increasingly repressive tactics of the state bureaucracy. ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ In 1989, for example, when Kosovo workers and students erupted in a general strike to oppose the initial economic reforms (which were having their most adverse effect in Kosovo, the poorest region of Yugoslavia and all Europe) and the Yugoslav state's clamp-down on their provincial leaders, they won broad support from workers. In 1990, some 650,000 workers, including Serbs, Croats, Bosnians and Slovenes marched to Belgrade to protest the new austerity programs. ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ The ruling class was clearly in crisis. With the economy in turmoil and the strikes becoming larger and more militant, the leaders of the various republics began looking for a way to distance itself from the political and economic turmoil of the central state. Their trump card? Ethnic nationalism. Both Milosevic's and Franjo Tudjman's ascensions to power in Serbia and Croatia respectively, and the eventual fracturing of the Yugoslav state, were based largely on programs of fierce cultural nationalism, which played up memories of historical oppression and fears of renewed ethnic persecution. ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ By the early 1990s, working-class militancy had dissipated, and through the concerted efforts of the ruling classes of the various Yugoslav republics, anger and disillusionment became articulated increasingly along ethnic cleavages. Milosevic had already whipped up a fervent anti-Albanian Serb nationalism, pitting Serb workers, in defense of the -- ostensibly persecuted -- Serbian minority in Kosovo, against Kosovan workers. ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ But it was Tudjman's actual persecution of the Serbian minority in Croatia, and Croatia's -- as well as Slovenia's and Bosnia-Herzegovina's -- declaration of independence that saved Milosevic's political career in 1991, enabling him to avert a general strike with calls to fight 'anti-Serb aggression.' In short, ethnic nationalism and, ultimately, war were the means by which the ruling class was able to survive a political and economic crisis, manifested in a sharpened class conflict that had escaped their control. ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ The Yugoslav history of the last 20 years, seen "from below," flies in the face of the typical media and political commentary. Whether the commentary consists of superficial, racist explanations that the different peoples of the former Yugoslavia simplÿþy can't live together (when, in fact, they had done so for at least fifty years and even struggled together through certain periods), or of psychological profiles of the 'maniacal' personality of Milosevic, it is contrived to keep at bay the dissenting voices who seek critical explanations. ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ ÿþ<bÿþ>ÿþGeopolitics of Disasterÿþ</b>ÿþ ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ In addition to the domestic crisis, there are important factors in the international arena that help to clarify some of the issues surrounding the recent crisis. ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ With the dissolution of the Communist regimes between 1989 and 1991, there seemed to be no longer any possibility of "Communist aggression," which signaled NATO's redundancy. Yet certain factions of the ruling class within NATO member-states almost immediately started pressing for a "renovation" of the alliance, including its extension into Poland, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Romania and Bulgaria. ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ The main justification was that, with the changes brought about by the end of the Cold War, Western countries faced "new security challenges" outside the traditional NATO area. Supporters of this view argued that NATO had to find new missions to justify its existence. The implicit premise was that the Western alliance had to be preserved in order to ensure the dominance of the United States in European and world affairs. ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ Coincidentally, the Yugoslav crisis exploded on the edge of Europe, and the US and Western European states felt they had to do something about it. Yet, penetrating the Balkans proved to be relatively ineffective, as various political forces in the region were already locked in ethnic conflicts. ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ The United States and NATO, while seeming to support the idea of ending the civil wars in Yugoslavia, in fact did everything they could to prolong them. The current NATO bombing is simply the culmination of a process which began nine years ago - a process of inventing operations which, with the backing of key member-states, could eventually lead to NATO's own renovation. ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ In short, it is now official policy to move toward the integration of Eastern Europe under a neo-liberal banner, and to do so through the exercise of "American leadership". This is simply a polite, and misleading, way of talking about the incorporation of the former Communist countries into a vast new empire, administered from Washington through such institutions as the World Bank and the IMF, and policed by NATO troops. ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ By 1990, most of the countries of Eastern Europe had surrendered to Western pressures to establish economic "reforms." These countries have been included in NATO expansion plans, with Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic becoming full members in March 1999. ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ From the perspective of American arms manufacturers, financial capital and multinational corporations, the expansion of NATO makes good economic sense. The recent incorporation of these countries into NATO obliges them to purchase US military hardware and technology. ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ The forward and backward linkages with the American military-industrial complex promise to boost the US economy at a time when the Southeast Asian, Latin American and Russian economies are in shambles, while its own performance is hanging by a thread to the speculative bubble. The money necessary to finance renewal of the military bases and major communication systems of these states will be, conveniently enough, supplied by Western financial institutions, and the expansion of production and commercial infrastructure promises to bring a number of Western multinationals to the area. For their part, the Polish, Hungarian and Czech ruling classes also view the marginal growth associated with NATO expansion as a viable alternative remaining on the periphery of US imperialism. ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ In Yugoslavia, however, there was resistance, both to neo-liberal reforms and to NATO expansion. Had Yugoslavia been politically insignificant, it is conceivable that the US would not pay much attention to Milosevic's opposition. It is also likely that NATO would have ignored the discriminatory policies towards Kosovo Albanians, as it continues to ignore similar policies of the Turkish state towards the Kurds. ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ Yet, Yugoslavia is strategically located en route to a zone of vital US interests, the Black Sea-Caspian Sea region. This region is extremely rich in oil and gas resources, and some analysts believe that it could become as important to the West as the Persian Gulf. The disintegration of the Soviet Union opened the possibility of foreign direct investment but the problem has been to get the oil and gas resources out of the region by safe routes. This is a political concern for Western producers, banks, pipeline companies, etc., who want to be assured of "stability" in the region. They want guarantees that no political changes would threaten their new or potential interests. ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ Formally, Western powers presented their interests in the region in terms of "fostering democracy" by encouraging Croatian, Slovenian and Macedonian independence. In reality, this was merely a ploy for breaking up the Balkans into small, vulnerable states that would easily fall into the hands of Western institutions. Under the guise of "fostering democracy," the way was being opened to the recolonization of the Balkans and the rest of Eastern Europe. ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ In light of the failure of every effort to bring Yugoslavia to heal, it becomes more clear why the US finds it necessary to take military action. The talks in Rambouillet, France, made it clear that the aim of the US and NATO is not compromise, nor is it to protect Kosovo Albanians. ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ When the Yugoslav deputy prime minister issued a statement of readiness to cease all operations against Kosovo Albanians and against the Kosovo Liberation Army, the US and Britain responded with a resounding No! thereby confirming the hypocrisy of Western governments and revealing the real objective of the NATO attack: to secure the presence of 300,000 NATO troops in the country, establishing what would amount to a police state. ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ ÿþ<bÿþ>ÿþWhat Is To Be Done?ÿþ</b>ÿþ ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ Despite the high-powered military stand-off between NATO and Yugoslavia, the plight of Kosovo Albanians is real, as we watch the endless stream of refugees and hear their tales of persecution. For many Kosovars and their supporters, this intervention represents a hope that NATO is coming to their aid. Some even feel it is an international recognition of the cause of Kosovo Albanians. Criticising NATO in a context of Serbian aggression against ethnic Albanians in Kosovo is therefore a difficult task. ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ A key socialist principle is the recognition and defense of the right of nations like Kosovo to self-determination. Lenin argued for agitation against all state and national privileges, and for the equal right of all nations to their national state. Only in this way can socialists defend the interests of democracy and the alliance of working and oppressed peoples of all nations on an equal footing. ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ While a movement for independence, such as that waged by the Kosovo Albanians, may not present its cause in socialist terms, the struggle itself may lead its members to seek more substantial forms of democracy than what is currently held in store for them by capitalist states and their own political leaders. Moreover, it can ignite larger anti-capitalist struggles in the region. ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ Yet, our defense of Kosovo Albanians' right to self-determination by no means diminishes our criticism of NATO bombing. In fact, it serves to reinforce it. For one thing, NATO has categorically refused to recognize Kosovo's right to self-determination! The take-it-or-leave-it settlement plan it issued demanded that Kosovo Albanians renounce any aspirations to independence and disarm immediately. ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ Furthermore, the NATO offensive could be counter-productive in the long run. So far, air strikes have been unable to weaken the Serbian government. Instead, they have fanned the flames of Serb chauvinism, enabling Milosevic to play upon fearÿþs of "anti-Serb aggression" and step up the repression of Kosovo Albanians. This also has the tragic consequence of silencing dissenters within Serbia, as has been the case with several progressive radio stations, print media, and political groups and movements. ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ An unfortunate consequence of the NATO attack, therefore, may be a general rightward shift in world politics. In Russia, opposition to the bombing has created a wave of chauvinist, right-wing responses. While in many Eastern European and Baltic states, many people, including the long-time pacifist and opposition leader during the Communist regime, Vaclav Havel, have come out in explicit support of NATO attacks. Their reaction justifies to the imperialist states the need for NATO expansion into every remaining corner, including Bulgaria, Romania, Slovakia, Slovenia, Croatia and Macedonia. ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ At this time, it is crucial to resist NATO attacks on civilians of every ethnic background in Yugoslavia and to expose the hypocrisy of the US government by pointing to its real motivations in the region. It is equally important to express our solidarity with the Kosovo Albanians' struggle for national self-determination, while stressing our condemnation against any form of national-chauvinism, be it that of Milosevic or the Kosovo Liberation Army. In summary, we believe that nothing short of struggle from below can bring resolution to this gross violation of the principles of social justice. ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ ÿþ<fontÿþ ÿþsize="1"ÿþ>ÿþTodd Gordon and Greg Schwartz are members of the New Socialist Group in Toronto.ÿþ</font>ÿþ</font>ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ<brÿþ>ÿþ ÿþ<formÿþ>ÿþ<inputÿþ ÿþtype="button"ÿþ ÿþvalue="Close"ÿþ ÿþonclick="top.close()"ÿþ>ÿþ</form>ÿþ ÿþ</body>ÿþ ÿþ</html>ÿþ<!-- FILE ARCHIVED ON ÿþ19:18:24 Jun 26, 2010ÿþ AND RETRIEVED FROM THE INTERNET ARCHIVE ON ÿþ10:04:15 Mar 05, 2026ÿþ. JAVASCRIPT APPENDED BY WAYBACK MACHINE, COPYRIGHT INTERNET ARCHIVE. ALL OTHER CONTENT MAY ALSO BE PROTECTED BY COPYRIGHT (17 U.S.C. 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