Rooting the Global Justice Movement in Local Struggles

By Seth Clarke


In the midst of the deepening financial crisis in Argentina and the failure to provide any tangible results within the Kyoto protocol process, the G8 heads of states met in Genoa Italy to discuss a new round of international trade liberalization.

Once again a city was turned into a fortress in order to secure a place to hold these talks. Fences were erected; airports were closed. European Union immigration protocols, which allow residents to move relatively easily across borders, were suspended. And some 20,000 police, military and security service personnel were deployed in Genoa.

The events in Genoa were a clear sign both of the continuing ascendance of the global justice movement and of the commitment on the part of the heads of governments and the corporate elite to press on with their neo-liberal agenda.

Genoa saw the largest and most combative demonstrations since the movement began in earnest at the December 1999 WTO round in Seattle. Literally hundreds of thousands took part in the protests despite the continuing escalation of violence and repression on the part of the increasingly militarized police force.

Tear gas, not long ago seen as an extreme measure, is now commonly used as the first response to the arrival of protesters. As in Gothenburg at the European Union summit, live ammunition was used by police in Genoa, this time claiming the life of Carlo Giuliani who was shot twice in the head at point blank range by Italian police. This brutal murder underlines the extent to which those who champion the corporate agenda are prepared to go in order to push through their plans. Yet, they are completely unable to dampen the enthusiasm of ordinary people to resist their attempts.

The protests which accompany these summits have unquestionably galvanized and inspired millions of people around the world, many of whom face a bleak future in the face of the austerity measures that have been such a feature of the ruling class offensive in recent years. However, the emerging movement for global justice has not yet in any meaningful way been able to force a shift in the focus of world leaders or the corporate elite. In fact, they appear to be hardening even further in support of more trade liberalization and, with it, the inevitable offspring of increased hardship, poverty and job insecurity.

The ruling class would appear to remain reasonably confident that there is no real threat to them. As of yet there has been no measurably effective industrial or strike action to accompany the growth of the movement. The economic impact of the movement on the corporate elite has been marginal at best. Most still see no real alternative to the present state of affairs or feel powerless to make any difference. There is, however, a growing trend of resistance against the stream of corporate domination and influence that exists in just about every aspect of peoples lives, from the first cup of coffee to the last squeeze of toothpaste.

One of the most important developments in the movement has been the emergence of a growing minority whose politic and tactics are aimed towards a position of direct opposition to the new orthodoxy of free market capitalism. This section of the movement, often referred to as anti-capitalist, has played a central role in shaping the movement to include at its organizing base the tactics of direct action, as well as imparting a confrontational nature to the global justice movement. This new mood has contributed to a shift in the boundaries of debate to include a growing audience for arguments that the present system is inherently undemocratic, exploitative and oppressive, and that it cannot be reformed. It is increasingly difficult for social democrats, union leaders and NGOs to argue for social clauses and other adjustments to be perused within trade agreements such as the FTAA without risking being perceived as being disconnected somewhat from the movement. This perception would be damaging in their eyes as their ability to relate to the movement and to be seen as representatives of it will likely be viewed as key to their ability to influence the agreement process.

Quebec City was a clear example of this difficulty as it appeared that as each day passed the social clause lobbying tactic lost impetus. The sentiment of the protesters was far more radical than the arguments being put forward by the organizers of the Peoples Summit, and by the Saturday of the labour march the popular slogan was "No to the FTAA".

The maintenance and development of this oppositional sentiment will likely be a cause of increased strain and tension inside the movement. As the FTAA process moves towards its planned ratification in 2005, it is likely that labour leaders, NGOs and others will look to broker a compromise --in part due to their somewhat reluctant acceptance of the free market system, and in part due to protective interests of their own organizations and positions.

The need for the development of new, independent rank and file labour organization is essential if the emerging movement is to grow to the size and clarity that will be needed to meet the challenges ahead. The development and growth of flying squads (mobile labour activist groups organized at the local level) and left caucuses inside unions is an important aspect in this process.

Central to this development will need to be the establishment and maintenance of internal democracy within the labour unions. The potential for self-organization is often stifled by the bureaucratic and conservative nature of the union organization. Some unions such as the Canadian Auto Workers (CAW) are attempting to control the development of flying squads by imposing conditions from above on what actions they can support. This has been most evident in their attempts to stop CAW flying squads from actively participating in the OCAP inspired Ontario Common Front campaign of economic disruption planned for the Fall.

Flying squads must be independent of the union superstructure whilst claiming access to its resources as dues paying members. It is important not to underestimate the ability of the labour bureaucracy to serve as a de-escalating force in the movement, or the possibility that they will support the movement with emphasis given to the less confrontational manifestations such as the "march to nowhere" in Quebec City. The degree to which pressure can be exerted from the rank and file union membership on its leaders and the confidence with which labour activists resist attempts to demobilize will likely be pivotal, especially with regard to the fight against the FTAA.

The question of democracy is also intrinsic to the continued growth and health of the global justice movement as a whole. If the movement is to avoid self-combustion or self-depletion, it needs to further develop ways in which decisions and organizing can happen in democratic and non-oppressive ways. The issue of the need for greater cultural and ethnic diversity within the movement is another factor that needs to be addressed. Also, the base of the movement could grow and broaden more effectively through an increased emphasis and focus on local issues and struggles.

The importance of rooting the global justice movement in local struggles is clear. The demands placed by the structural organizations of international capital (WTO, World Bank, IMF etc) on people in different countries and regions have far reaching effects. Governments and corporations play a central role in the conception and prosecution of neo-liberalism in the local cities and towns which are the front lines of the fight for global justice.

Public spending cuts to health, education and welfare, public funding of private schools in Ontario through tax rebates as well as anti union legislation such as the changes to the Ontario employment standards act are all intrinsically linked to the free market/trade liberalization policies that are so central to the work of these institutions.

In Canada, the global justice movement has risen to meet the challenge of unchecked capitalist consolidation and expansion: at APEC, in Windsor at the Organization of American States meeting, and in Quebec City. The challenge for the many and varied organizations coalitions and groups that make up this movement is to broaden their scope and increasingly be reflective of the local struggle on the global stage.

The fight against homelessness and for affordable housing is one such struggle. Others include the nationwide fight waged by health workers for better conditions and services, the fight for better employment standards, for affordable tuition as well as ongoing anti-oppression and anti-poverty struggles. Some actions such as the Ontario Common Front campaign have the potential to jell these struggles together under one banner. They present important opportunities in the push to further develop a new dynamic left movement in Canada, carved out of the recognition of the necessity to broaden the base of the movement and to have as its focus the building of active resistance in local struggles as global struggles.

Seth Clarke is a member of NSG who has been active in both the anti-globalization movement and local struggles in Toronto.