When the global justice movement burst into mass consciousness in Seattle in 1999, it represented a new and dynamic movement. The militant actions in opposition to the neo-liberal policies of the World Trade Organization inspired a new generation of activists, as well as reinvigorating those who had been agitating for decades. The movement has since become truly international in scope.
As the global justice movement has matured, segments of the movement have engaged in self-critique. Demonstrating at the meetings of international power brokers has been exciting and important, yet the movement has not created the organizations or resources necessary for continued struggle. As a result, many now acknowledge that demonstrations at large international summits are insufficient, and argue that the movement needs to create and build on the links between the global political economy and local communities.
In the last two decades, poverty and inequality have increased within and between countries - a result of massive cuts to social programs, privatization of services and resources, free trade agreements, and attacks on workers' rights. These policies have a direct impact on our communities.
Building a sustainable and relevant movement will require global justice activists to move beyond the mere recognition of links between global and local, to the use of organizing methods that build these links. This shift in organizing tactics has begun, with some activists attempting to ground their work in local and community struggles. For example, organizers planning anti-G8 demonstrations in Ottawa have made connecting local and global issues a key organizing principle, and have emphasized immigration and refugee issues. The call for a "Kananaskis tax" is another example, with some asking that for every dollar spent on traveling to the site of the G8 meetings, another dollar be spent on local organizing.
The recognition of the links between international policy and issues at home paves the way for exciting developments. Many global justice activists are trying to organize based on direct democracy as well as trying to address the ways that oppression is reproduced within the movement. These experiences may allow new coalitions to emerge, which take their lead from people with experience organizing against the impact of neo-liberal policies in their workplaces and communities. In addition, the commitment to militancy that has characterized the global justice movement has great potential to be effective in winning victories.
While the links between global and local may be fairly easy to understand in theory, it has proven much more difficult to put into practice. For the most part, global justice activists have had little connection to community-based struggles, such as fighting to keep a hospital open, or defending immigrant and refugee communities against police harassment and deportation, or around workplace issues. It would be a mistake for global justice activists to swoop in as saviours with all of the answers. There are no shortcuts for the painstaking process of solidarity and movement building.
Meeting the challenges posed by community organizing is made more difficult by the disagreement within the movement over shifting the focus away from "summit hopping." These divisions are apparent in the organizing against the meetings of the G8 in Kananaskis scheduled for this June, and reflect significant political differences. NGOs, the labour leadership and some self-styled ÒradicalsÓ have focused on sending people to Kananaskis, while the militant anti-capitalist wing has emphasized local and regional activities. This parting of the ways ultimately weakens both groups. If the movement is going to grow, however, it must move away from one-off demonstrations that do not leave behind lasting organizations or resistance, and take on the challenge of movement building. Flying those who can afford a plane ticket to Kananaskis does not contribute to this process.